Jackson Hole Dude Ranching

Beaver, Beads, and Bullets

Green In Gridlock

BK green gridlockGreen in Gridlock: Common Goals, Common Ground and Compromise; Join us for a discussion on “Using the Murie Legacy to End the Stalemate in Environmental Policy Making” with Paul Walden Hansen, Director of the Murie Center. The presentation and discussion will be followed by a book signing in the museum lobby. Thursday –  October 2, 2014 at 7:00 in the Cache Street Gallery.

Wind River Photo Gallery: Digital Resource Center

The following images are from the American Heritage Center at the University of Wyoming and are made available here as part of the “Shoshone Homelands Initiative” with funding provided by the National Park Service Tribal Heritage Foundation, the Jackson Hole Historical Society and Museum, and the Kemmer Family Foundation.

Note: Please credit the American Heritage Center at the University of Wyoming: for higher quality resolutions and permission to publish please contact the American Heritage Center Directly.

Index:
Agriculture (Misc.)
Beadwork and Regalia (Misc.)
Camp Brown (Misc.)
Daily Life (Misc.)
Fort Washakie: Buildings, Personnel and Shoshone Leaders
Fort Washakie
Hultkranz Collection
Memorials & Burials (Misc.)
Our Father’s House: St. Michael’s Mission
President Arthur Expedition – Wind River & Shoshone Shots
Roberts Mission: The Shoshone Episcopal Girl’s School
Shimkin Collection
Transportation (Misc.)
Washakie: Camp at South Pass
Washakie – Dick
Washakie Family
Washakie Hide Paintings
Washakie Portraits
War Dance (Misc.)
Wedding or Gift of the Waters/ Indian Pageant
Wind River Treaty Council & Signings
Yellow Calf – Chief

Agriculture

(UW J.K. Moore Box 1)

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Beadwork and Regalia

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Camp Brown

(UW J.K. Moore Box 2)

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Daily Life

Also see images of tipis, meat drying in front of tipis under “Hultkrantz Collection – Kahin Collection” and Shimkin Collection

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Fort Washakie: Buildings, Personnel and Shoshone Leaders

(UW J.K. Moore Box 1)

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Fort Washakie

(UW J.K. Moore Box 2)

(UW J.K. Moore Box 3)

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Hultkranz Collection

(UW Kahin Box 2)

These photographs were taken by the late Dr. Ake Hultkrantz. Professor Emeritus of Shamanism and World Religions and are used here with the permission of his widow Geraldine “Gerry” Hultkrantz. The originals are at the University of Stockholm in Sweden. Many of these images were previously published by Dr. Hultkrantz in Native Religions of North American: The Power of Visions and Fertility (1987)

» Hultkranz Photo Exhibit

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Memorials & Burials

(UW Memorials&Burials)

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Our Father’s House: St. Michael’s Mission

(UW J.K Moore Box 4)

A NARRATIVE IN WORDS AND PICTURES of THE CHURCHE’S WORK at ST. MICHAEL’S MISSION, ETHETE, WYOMING” Contains individual portraits and photos of: “The Late Mrs. Baird S. Cooper “Mother” of St. Michael’s

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President Arthur Expedition – Wind River & Shoshone Shots

(UW J.K Moore Box 4)

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Roberts Mission: The Shoshone Episcopal Girl’s School

(UW John Roberts Box 3)

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Shimkin Collection

(UW Shimkin Box 5)

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(UW Shimkin Box 24)

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Transportation

(UW J.K. Moore Box 2)

Washakie: Camp at South Pass

(UW Chief Washakie Photofile)

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Washakie – Dick

(UW Chief Washakie Photofile)

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Washakie Family

(UW Washakie Family Photofile)

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Washakie: Hide Paintings

(UW Chief Washakie Photofile)

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Washakie: Portraits

(UW Chief Washakie Photofile)

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War Dance

(UW Chief Washakie Photofile)

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Wedding or Gift of the Waters / Indian Pageant

(UW Indian-Pageant Photofile)

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Wind River Treaty Councils & Signings

(UW Chief Washakie Photofile)

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Yellow Calf – Chief

Yellow Calf in war bonnet (UW J.K. Moore Box 4)

Yellow Calf in war bonnet (UW J.K. Moore Box 4)

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An Introduction to the Wind River Indian Reservation of Wyoming

Introduction

Like many western states, Wyoming has an Indian reservation within its borders.  The Wind River Indian Reservation contains over 2.2 million acres located in the central part of the state. It is home for the Eastern Shoshone and Northern Arapaho tribes. While the Arapahos have more members (over 9,000+ compared to the Shoshones’ 4000+ members), the reservation was created for the Eastern Shoshones (and Bannocks) in 1868. This short article answers three commonly asked questions about the reservation: (1) Who are the Eastern Shoshone and Northern Arapaho Indians? (2) If the reservation was set aside for the Shoshones, when did the Arapahos arrive and why are they there? (3) How does a reservation function?

Shoshone Prehistory

Shoshones have been in what is now Wyoming for a very long time. They originated in the southern Great Basin (now the southern part of Nevada) and spread northward in a fan-shaped pattern. They speak a language (Numic) that is part of the Uto-Aztecan group. The experts–anthropologists, archaeologists, and linguists—argue about the history of the Numic spread, but Shoshones have lived in western Wyoming and the Wind River Mountains for at least 3500 years perhaps even 8,000 years ago.

Shoshone peoples inhabited Utah, Nevada, Idaho, and Wyoming and called themselves Nuwe, or the People. They also refer to themselves by other names, which often translate into English as food groups. The best known of these group names are Salmon Eaters, Buffalo Eaters, and Sheepeaters. But these divisions were never definitive because Shoshones themselves often moved from one resource area to another. The Eastern Shoshones emerged from several of these groups with the acquisition of horses between 1680 and 1720.

Shoshone History, 1700-1780

Eastern Shoshones coalesced from people who lived in the upper Snake River basin of Idaho, along the Green and Bear rivers in Wyoming and Utah, and in the Salmon River country of northern Idaho, all of whom owned horses. From 1700 to 1780, they were active buffalo hunters and feared warriors, traveling into Montana, parts of southern Alberta, and throughout Wyoming. But at the same time, they still maintained strong ties to their homelands along the Green, Bear, Snake, and Salmon rivers.

Shoshone History, 1780-1850

The Shoshone expansion into Montana and Canada lasted only two generations. By the 1760s, enemy Plains tribes also were mounted and fiercely resisted further Shoshone advances. Moreover, they acquired guns—weapons that Shoshone did not have. Then deadly smallpox epidemics in the 1780s, combined with attacks by their foes, forced Shoshones to retreat west of the Rocky Mountains to their Idaho and western Wyoming homelands. From 1790 onward, Shoshones ventured into the buffalo hunting ranges only when they could do so with large groups. Thus, the Salmon River Shoshones (Lemhi Shoshones) joined Flathead Salish Indians from Montana’s Bitterroot Valley to travel to the Missouri headwaters to hunt in the spring and fall. They were sometimes bolstered by Shoshone and Bannock Indians from the Snake River (Fort Hall). At other times, Shoshones from the Green and Bear rivers in Wyoming (Eastern Shoshones) also hunted with the Flatheads and Lemhi Shoshones. Finally, Shoshone-Bannock bands Idaho frequently joined Eastern Shoshones to hunt in the Big Horn or Powder River basins in Wyoming.

Lewis and Clark’s Corp of Discovery marked the beginning of a new era in Shoshone history when they traded met Cameahwaite’s Lemhi Shoshones in 1805. A few years later, mountain men trapped beaver in Wyoming’s streams. The fur trappers allied themselves with the Shoshones and by the mid-1820s, Shoshones regularly participated in the fur trade. All of the Fur Trade Rendezvous, from 1825-1840, were held in Eastern Shoshone country.

Beginning the 1840s, emigrants headed to Oregon traveled through the Shoshone landscape. Then the discovery of gold in 1848 sparked a veritable horde of travelers heading to California. Mormons also moved to Shoshone lands. They first claimed the Salt Lake region, then founded farms and towns in northern Utah and spread into Wyoming and Idaho. This influx of whites into Shoshone country sparked further changes in Shoshone lives.

Washakie and the Eastern Shoshones

Washakie is the best known Eastern Shoshone leader and his personal history demonstrates the fluid nature of Eastern Shoshone origins. He was born to a Lemhi mother and Flathead father. His father was killed by Blackfeet Indians during a Montana buffalo hunt. He was rescued from the battle by Bannocks and grew up among them. During his teen years he joined a Shoshone band that claimed the Green and Sweetwater rivers as their main homelands. This band alternated winter camps near Pinedale or east of the mountains in the Wind River Valley. During the 1820s, he met the famous trapper, Jim Bridger, and became fast friends. (In fact, Bridger married Washakie’s daughter—Mary—in 1850).

Washakie was a noted young warrior in 1840 and rose to prominence in 1851. That year, Bridger persuaded Washakie to go to the first Treaty of Fort Laramie. Washakie led 200 people to the treaty grounds and thereafter, government officials and other white leaders considered Washakie to be the head chief of the Eastern Shoshones. He assumed this role very well: Throughout the 1850s and into the 1860s, Washakie was invited to the vast majority of councils with Mormon and U.S. government officials that concerned Shoshone affairs.

Creating a Reservation, 1850-1868

Wind River became a more important resource and base area for the Eastern Shoshones during the 1850s, in part because the lower Green River and the Bear River region became too populated with whites. But at the same time, Shoshones competed and fought with Crows, Sioux, and Arapahos for the resources of Wind River. Shoshone winter camps therefore alternated between the upper Green River area around Pinedale and the Wind River area, depending on danger.

At the same time, conflict between emigrants, settlers and Shoshones in Idaho and Utah broke out (a few of Washakie’s followers may have been involved), culminating with the infamous slaughter of Shoshones in the winter of 1863 at Bear River. The fighting prompted a peace treaty. Chief Washakie signed the 1863 Treaty of Fort Bridger to try to enlist the aid of the U.S. in securing and defending a homeland. This treaty defined Shoshone country as lands to the west of the Wind River Mountains (it did not include the Wind River Valley). Five years later, circumstances changed. In 1868 the Crows relinquished their claims to Wind River and in the 2nd Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868) the Arapahos were denied a reservation in Wyoming. When Washakie signed the 1868 Treaty of Fort Bridger, he successfully claimed the Wind River Reservation for the Eastern Shoshones.

Arapaho History, 1600-1878

The Arapahos are comparative newcomers to Wyoming. Ancestral Arapahos farmed in Manitoba and Minnesota, then migrated to the Great Plains in the 1600s. By the early 1700s Arapahos were in Montana, Wyoming, and South Dakota.  They acquired horses in the 1700s, adopted the Plains Indian horse-and-buffalo hunting culture, and expanded further south and west.

About 1811 Arapahos allied with Cheyennes and the two groups often traveled and hunted together in the central Great Plains. Further alliances with Lakota, Dakota, Kiowa, and Comanche peoples helped the Arapaho establish a solid resource base by the 1840s that included southern Montana, most of Wyoming east of the Wind River Mountains, the Nebraska panhandle, central and eastern Colorado, and parts of western Oklahoma and Kansas. During this time, the Arapahos gradually split into northern and southern divisions.

Generally, Arapaho contact with white people remained peaceful. They actively participated in the fur trade . Their enemies were other Indians. From the northwest to the southwest, the Arapahos fought with Blackfeet, Crows, Shoshones, and Utes. But not all contact with these tribes resulted in battles. For example, Friday, one of the Northern Arapaho leaders, became friends with Washakie during fur trade rendezvous. This friendship played a pivotal role in the Arapahos’ eventual move to Wind River.

Arapahos signed the 1851 Treaty of Fort Laramie, but U.S. officials ignored Arapaho claims to Powder River and set their as south of the North Platte in Wyoming and north of the Arkansas River in Colorado. The Powder River basin was delegated that to various Sioux bands. Yet for the most part, the peace established by the treaty between and among whites and Indians remained intact until 1864.

The Colorado Gold Rush of 1858 challenged Arapaho existence. Gold-seekers split heart of Arapaho and Cheyenne resource areas. This pressured buffalo herds, depleted grass and forage for horses, and deforested trees in the river bottoms that provided shelter and fuel during the harsh winters on the Plains. Minor conflicts broke out, but most Arapahos maintained the 1851 peace. In 1864, however, a peaceful camp of a mixed group of Cheyenne and Arapaho people were attacked and killed by Denver volunteers in the notorious Sand Creek Massacre. The Indians fought back over the next two years.

Seeking refuge and escape from conflict, Northern Arapahos and Cheyennes moved to the remote Powder River basin. But even there, gold seekers traveling the Bozeman Trail to Montana brought more clashes. Arapahos joined forces with Red Cloud’s Oglala Sioux bands and attacked army forts along the Bozeman Trail. The fighting ended with another treaty, the second Treaty of Fort Laramie, signed in 1868. The Arapahos argued in vain to get a reservation set aside for them in the Powder River country in Wyoming. Instead, the treaty specified three disappointing options. They could join their Southern Arapaho relatives in Oklahoma. Or, they could join the Crows in Montana. The third choice was going to a Sioux agency in South Dakota.

But Arapahos still hoped for Wyoming home. In February1870, Arapaho leaders, including Friday, reached a tentative agreement with Washakie to move to Wind River. But a Sioux Indian attack on a South Pass area mining camp got blamed on the Arapahos. In early April, a combined force of Shoshones and U.S. soldiers from Camp Brown (later named Fort Washakie), retaliated against an Arapaho camp. Tensions remained high between the two tribes.

Still, Arapahos did not go to their treaty-designated reservations. Instead, most stayed in the Powder River region, or traveled with Northern Cheyennes and Lakotas into the Tongue River or Yellowstone areas. Others clustered around Fort Laramie. Still others joined Red Cloud’s Oglala Lakotas at their agency on the Wyoming/Nebraska border. One band, camped on the eastern edge of the Big Horn Mountains in 1874, was attacked by Shoshones and soldiers in what has become known as Bate’s Battle.

While at Red Cloud Agency, Arapaho chiefs, most notably Black Coal, Sharp Nose, White Horse, and Friday continually pressed U.S. army officers and officials for permission to move to Wyoming. They finally succeeded in late 1877, and with Washakie’s and other Shoshone headmen’s approval, moved to Wind River Reservation early in the winter of 1878.

Reservation Politics, 1878-1900

Arapaho chiefs and headmen tried to demonstrate that were “good” Indians and an asset to the reservation community. They joined the Indian police force and cooperated with the government. Further, reservation officials invited Arapahos to participate in councils when Indian input was called for in the administration of reservation affairs. Expediency, rather than strict legality, prompted such actions. Technically, Arapahos were temporary residents, not the legal occupants of reservation lands.

The General Allotment Act of 1887 also was applied illegally on Wind River Reservation. This act, also known as the Dawes Act, called for Indian heads of households to claim individual parcels of land (allotments) on the reservation in an attempt to break up “tribalism” and land held in common by tribes. Arapahos as well as Shoshones took up allotments. However, most of the allotments were re-assigned in the 20th century because of questionable practices made by the allotting agent during the 1890s.

The purpose of allotting Indians individual parcels of land was to open up the remaining reservation lands to white homesteading and settlement. In the 1890s local farmers and ranchers called for land cessions from Wind River to open “unoccupied” acreage to homesteaders. Again, reservation agents and government officials illegally included Arapahos in these negotiations. There were two failed land cession councils in 1891 and 1893, but in 1896, the Indians ceded a 10-square mile area in the northeast corner of the reservation around a popular hot springs. This led to the founding of Thermopolis. Washakie always headed the Shoshone councils, while first Black Coal (1840-1893), then Sharp Nose (d. 1901), Lone Bear (1854-1920), and Yellow Calf (1860-1938) served as the Arapaho voices. It should be noted that the councils gave their decisions only after discussing matters with their respective tribes.

Wind River Reservation, 1900-1920s

Following the death of Chief Washakie in 1900, Wind River Reservation superintendents followed the basic practice of calling joint tribal councils together to make decisions about distributions of rations, land cession agreements, leases, and other business practices. The most important one was the McLaughlin Agreement of 1905, which split the reservation in half. Once more, Arapahos illegally participated in the cession councils, which took place in 1904. The cession agreement also required votes of the eligible males of both tribes. For both tribes, only a minority of eligible males actually voted for the agreement (for Indians, not voting meant the same thing as a no vote).

The Mclaughlin Agreement allowed an influx of settlers to establish the town of Riverton and take up homesteads near railroad line being built by the Chicago and Northwestern Railroad. Over the next three decades, irrigation projects gradually allowed a small number of non-tribal farmers to own land and gain a livelihood within the boundaries of the reservation. Both Shoshone and Arapahos received little benefits from these projects.

By the 1920s, federal policies aimed at detribalization resulted in more formal tribal councils with elected members. At Wind River, the Bureau of Indian Affairs superintendents inaugurated a joint business council, with six members elected from each both tribes. The superintendents tried to persuade Shoshone and Arapahos to delegate more authority and decision-making power to the business council, but both tribes resisted. Instead, they preferred to retain as much autonomy as possible within each tribes’ General Council.

Wind River Reservation, 1927-1940

In 1927, a change in federal law allowed the Shoshones to sue the United States for the damages incurred and their loss of one-half of the reservation due to the Arapahos’ presence. In 1937, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in the Shoshones’ favor and the tribe received over $6 million compensation. But the Supreme Court decision also made clear that the Northern Arapahos were considered equal partners with the Eastern Shoshone to the Wind River Reservation.

Shoshones, and also the Arapahos, firmly resisted other changes to tribal governance in the 1930s. In 1934, Congress passed the Indian Reorganization Act as well as other measures intended to give tribes more autonomy. Other acts reversed federal policy that previously outlawed many traditional native practices. The 1934 IRA called for tribes to reorganize their governance. This including writing formal constitutions and endowing elected business council to make tribal decisions. Neither Wind River tribe adopted the IRA. Political sovereignty to the present day still resides in the General Councils of both tribes.

One other major change occurred to the reservation in 1940. That year, the unclaimed lands that had been ceded in the 1905 McLaughlin agreement were restored to the tribal land base. Thus, Wind River Reservation geography in the modern era basically encompasses the same area as existed in 1872. (In 1872 the Bruno Agreement ceded about one-third of the 1868 treaty lands from the southern portion of the reservation). The city of Riverton lies wholly within the reservation as do the white owned farms in Pavilion, Kinnear, and the Midvale Irrigation District.

Wind River Reservation, 1940 to the present

The Eastern Wyoming and Northern Arapaho tribes have separate governments organized under the auspices of the General Councils of each tribe. The administrative arm of each tribe is the tribal business council (the SBC and NABC). General Council members are all enrolled tribal members who are 18 years old or older. The General Council retains sovereignty for each tribe, but delegates many decisions for day-to-day activities to their respective business councils. Business Council members are elected to fixed terms of office. Each tribe has separate departments, such as housing, employment, social services, and the like. Until late 2014, the Joint Business Council (JBC) operated to attend to reservation matters that affected both tribes. Since then, however, the Arapahos have disavowed the JBC and use joint committees or memorandums of understanding to conduct joint business. Tribal revenues come from oil or gas leases, agricultural leases, casinos, hunting and fishing licenses sold to non-tribal members, cattle ranches, and other business enterprises.

Cultural traditions and ceremonies once banned by the government are now celebrated and encouraged These include rituals such as the sweat lodge, Sun Dance, Ghost Dance, and the Native American Church. Beadworking, powwow dancing, and other traditional practices continue to thrive to the delight of tribal members and non-tribal visitors alike. Both tribes are attempting to preserve their native language.

While older traditions and customs are preserved, practiced, and celebrated,  Eastern Shoshone and Northern Arapahos also participate in the larger American consumer world. Cell phones are carried in ornately beaded bags—or simply stuffed into jeans pockets. Ranching and farmwork provide employment both on and off the reservation. Others own construction businesses. Many are college educated with professional careers. Like Americans everywhere, Shoshones and Arapahos own homes, rent houses or apartments, and drive trucks and cars. Many still own and ride horses. Thus, “walking in two worlds”—living with respect for elders and traditions of the past go hand-in-hand with living lives of modernity.


Glossary (PDF)

Kelly, Wyoming

Kelly, Wyoming was initially a modest but thriving rural town located on the banks of the Gros Ventre River. Around 1925 the town had many amenities: mercantile, Riverside Hotel, blacksmith, flour mill (1917-1921, burned), dance hall and sawmill (removed 1918). In 1904 the first school opened on the Warren Henry homestead.

By 1909, families from the surrounding area began constructing small cabins in Kelly to stay in while their children attended grade school. In 1914 the town was approved for a post office, which remains open today. Prior to this, Kelly was known locally simply as “Bridge.” The name illustrates the importance of the timber bridge that spanned the Gros Ventre River, one of the few early bridges built in the valley. There were few options in the valley for safe river crossings, and the Kelly Bridge was one of four until the mid-1920s (along with the Jackson-Wilson Bridge, Menor’s Ferry and the bridge at Moran).

In 1921, Kelly competed against Jackson for the Teton County seat, losing by only 26 votes. Just six years later in 1927, Kelly would be obliterated by a severe flood. The flood destroyed the town, leaving only the school and church intact. Everything else was flattened or swept downriver. It took the town decades to rebuild, but it would never reach the level of prosperity that it had enjoyed prior to the flood.

Today, Kelly is a small community within the eastern boundary of Grand Teton National Park. Both the school and the church that survived the flood did not, however, survive the fire that destroyed both in 1971. Because of these two disasters, the town of Kelly has few, if any, historic structures.


Text by Samantha Ford, Director of Historical Research and Outreach

Kelly Flood

In 1895 William “Billy” Bierer arrived in Jackson Hole to prospect for gold. He chose a site near what is now called Slide Lake, along the Gros Ventre River. After prospecting proved to be fruitless, he turned to homesteading, receiving a patent for his land in 1915. In the preceding years Bierer had spent a lot of time in the mountains behind his homestead. He reported feeling tremors in the earth along with the sound of water running under the ground. He became increasingly worried about the probability of a landslide and sold his homestead in 1920 to Guil Huff. Bierer then moved to be with his daughter in Pennsylvania, where he died in 1923. He wouldn’t live to receive the news that his prediction of a landslide would prove to be accurate.

In 1925 on June 23, 50,000,000 cubic yards of Sheep Mountain broke free and fell in a half mile-wide landslide, effectively cutting through the Gros Ventre River and rising 300 feet up on the opposite bank. Guil Huff had been out on his horse that morning inspecting more earth tremors when he looked up to see the mountain coming down on top of him. He and his horse survived the slide by a margin of 20 feet. Forney Cole and Boyd Charter happened to be in the area and witnessed the slide and Huff’s narrow escape. Without an outlet, the Gros Ventre River began rapidly rising, forming a small lake. The water continued to rise, flooding the Huff ranch and eventually submerging the property entirely under what is now known as Lower Slide Lake. Today, Lower Slide Lake is five miles long, and tops of trees that were once the valley floor can still be seen poking out above the its waters.

Cole and Charter raced their horses down the valley to assist the Huffs, all were convinced there might be more slides, and the river was quickly rising. Forest Ranger Charles Dibble was stationed at the nearby Horsetail Creek Station when the mountain fell. As it became clear the Ranger Station was also in danger of flooding, he quickly moved his family into Kelly.  Days later, the Ranger Station was underwater. Others nearby reported hearing the roar of the mountain falling and seeing the cloud of dust that rose over the mountain. Miraculously, no one was injured during the landslide, despite the sudden violence of the event.

Dibble had never trusted the town’s newly formed earthen dam. The water ran through it and there were no protective spillways to prevent the water from overtopping the dam. Most constructed dams included these safety measures, as this dam was formed from landslide debris, there was no safety to speak of. A feeling of mistrust also troubled a number of Kelly residents and for months after the slide, many hauled bedding up to higher ground in fear that the dam would fail in the night. In an effort to quell these fears, and allow the town to return to normal, geologists and engineers from across the country traveled to Jackson Hole to survey the dam. They determined it not only safe, but permanent. The town of Kelly resumed normal operations and soon forgot about any danger. Ranger Dibble, however, kept a wary eye on the dam and would regularly inspect the rubble for evidence of leaks.

The winter of 1926-27 was a harsh one, with unusually high snowfall. The next spring, mountain runoff was equally severe due to heavy rains. Dibble became increasingly worried about the integrity of the dam when it became clear that the Gros Ventre River was rising; Kelly residents were having to divert broken trees from damaging their timber bridge. Dibble recognized these trees as having once been part of the debris that made up the dam. On May 18, 1927 his worst fears were confirmed when pieces of farming equipment started to come down the river, equipment that had most certainly been behind the dam structure.

Jumping into his Model T, Dibble raced up the Gros Ventre to get a firsthand look at what was unfolding upriver. He was almost immediately met with a 50 foot wall of water crashing down through the river corridor. Quickly turning around, he raced to the nearest homestead, frantically warning the occupants to call down the telephone line and warn the people in town to get out of their houses and find higher ground. Dibble raced on, stopping only to warn ranchers and to cut wires to allow livestock to flee the impending flood waters. Reaching Kelly, Dibble once again raised the alarm and residents rushed to pack up their personal belongings. Only one family in town remained, despite Dibble’s best efforts to demonstrate that they must evacuate immediately.

H.M. Kneedy and his wife, Anna were unconcerned with the activity surrounding them and obstinately refused to believe that the dam that had been declared “safe” was failing. Kneedy, his wife and his young son, Joe, would perish in the flood waters. Three others lost their lives in Kelly, unable to outrun the powerful surge of water; Maud Smith, May Lovejoy and Clint Stevens. Countless more were rescued or able to cling to trees. The residents of nearby Grovont watched the entire episode, helpless, wondering about the fate of their neighbors. They were the first rescuers to arrive on the scene, with supplies and opening their homes to house the stranded residents of Kelly. They converted their church into a morgue, and provided clothing, food and shelter to the 40+ families displaced by the flood.

The flood continued down the Gros Ventre River, reaching as far as the town of Wilson, 14 miles away and immersing it in 6 feet of water. In Wilson, hundreds of cows died and a few buildings washed away. Nine hours after the initial onslaught in Kelly, broken parts of homes and farming equipment started passing through the Hoback area 25 miles away. By 4:00p.m. that same afternoon, the Gros Ventre had resumed a normal level and the entire town of Kelly had been washed away. Only the school, church, and parsonage survived the floodwaters. An estimated $500,000.00 in damages resulted in the slow rebuilding of the community.

After the flood swept through, nothing was left but a three mile wide swath of broken trees, boulders and other debris that ruined the farmlands that had been painstakingly cleared. Ditches were flooded, head gates were destroyed and it became evident that the residents of Kelly would not be returning home in the near future. The homesteaders at Grovont also had a poor crop yield that year, as they were aiding their neighbors in Kelly and planted late in the season. Their irrigation ditches that fed from the Gros Ventre River were filled with debris and destroyed. With no water supply, it was a difficult harvest that far. However, they did discover that the nearby Mud Springs had begun to produce water that could be their new source of irrigation. Because the waters were warm and it flowed year-round, the name was now “Miracle Springs.” Today, it is known as the Kelly Warm Springs. The residents of Kelly who remained behind received federal aid and slowly began to rebuild their community. At the time of the flood, there were 50 residents – as of the 2010 Census, there are 138 people who call the “census-designated place” home.

TIMELINE

June 23, 1925: 50,000,000 cubic yards broke free from Sheep Mountain and created a 225 foot natural dam, half a mile wide. The dam filled in the Gros Ventre River, rising 300 feet up the opposite bank. Boulders, dirt and broken trees made up the dam. Water flowed through the debris, rather than over it.

July 9, 1925: Water began seeping through most of the dam.

July 16, 1925: Water levels were still rising, noted at 5 feet below dam height. Engineers and geologists from across the country deemed dam safe. Despite their claims, Kelly residents continued to pack up valuables and sleep in tents on high ground for several months after the slide. Eventually, growing tired of this practice, they returned to their houses and resumed normal life.

May 17, 1927: The Gros Ventre River starts rising to meet its banks after a very snowy winter and rainy spring; water is now reported to be spilling over the dam.

May 18, 1927: Early morning: Gros Ventre River breaches its banks.

Mid-Morning: Broken trees start to float downriver. Men direct the stumps away from the bridge but water reaches the deck of the bridge.

Noon: 5-6 foot surge followed by a 50 foot wall of water breaks through as the weakened  dam fails. Within 15 minutes the entire town of Kelly is flooded and entirely destroyed, leaving only three buildings standing: church, rectory and school.

6 people lost their lives: Maud Smith, May Lovejoy, Clint Stevens, H.M. Kneedy, Anna Kneedy & Joe Kneedy.
40 families were displaced.
$500,000 in damages.
Nine hours later, Kelly debris was washed through the Hoback area over


Text by Samantha Ford, Director of Historical Research and Outreach

Luther Taylor

In 1910, John Erwin first arrived in Jackson Hole and filed for 160 acres on the eastern side of the valley, just north of the community of Kelly. Located on the Gros Ventre Road, the property is a popular tourist destination today for its association with the western movie Shane. Known more often as the “Shane cabins,” the actual homesteading history of the property is often forgotten. John Erwin arrived in the valley from Wisconsin, seeking the prospect of free lands offered by the federal government. These lands were previously unavailable due to their location in the Teton National Forest, but in 1908, President Roosevelt opened them up for homesteading.

Just six years after establishing residency in 1916, Erwin was approved for 160 acres. He lived on the property with his son, daughter and son-in-law. Unfortunately he would die in the next four years, and his family sold the property in pieces: 40 acres were sold to Luther Taylor in 1923 that included two buildings that had been constructed by Erwin. The barn and a small one-room cabin were likely built in 1910 when Erwin first arrived. Today, the one-room cabin is known as the barn. Taylor built his own three-room cabin, probably in 1923. It is assumed that the remaining 120 acres were included in adjacent holdings by Erwin’s family for agricultural purposes. In 1927, feeling the pressure of owning only 40 acres of land, Taylor filed for his own 160 acre parcel, increasing his homestead to 200 acres.

Luther Taylor had been residing in the valley since 1908 when he first arrived with his parents and siblings. They hailed from Arkansas, where Taylor was born in 1891. As a farming family, they saw the offer of free land in Jackson Hole as a promising venture. The Taylor family homesteaded in the area north of John Erwin’s, and south of Ditch Creek Road. The Taylors held 200 acres between William, Luther’s father who had 40, and Luther’s brother John, who had 160. Luther would earn a living working on his brother’s ranch until he left the valley to fight in World War I. Upon returning home after the war, Luther assumed management of his late father’s holdings and married Agnes Smith in 1920. In 1922 they had their first daughter, Dorothy. They left William Taylor’s ranch after purchasing the John Erwin homestead in 1923. These lands were adjacent to Luther’s brother John, and it is likely the brothers assisted each other with ranching on their joint lands. At this time the Taylor brothers managed a total of 400 acres.

The only remaining buildings from the Taylor ranches today are those built on the 40 acres Luther purchased from John Erwin. These are significant for being the oldest intact original homestead in the valley. Most homesteads changed significantly as families grew and more time and money could be allotted to constructing more substantial structures. At the Luther Taylor ranch, however, the original buildings constructed by Erwin were preserved and continued to be used by the Taylors. Luther constructed his own three-room cabin to be used as a residence for his family. His craftsmanship and attention to detail is highly unusual, he clearly intended this cabin to be permanent and not be replaced at a later date. It is also probable that he developed cabin-building skills while working on his father’s and brother’s ranches to as the buildings careful lay out and construction indicate a high level of craftsmanship.

The cabin was constructed on a dry laid stone foundation, an unusual step at a time when most cabins were built directly onto dirt floors. The cabin was also constructed on a slope to ensure Teton views, which required the stone foundation for support. The slope that was chosen as the cabin site would have made interior living impossible without floor joists and floor boards. It is clear that Taylor’s cabin building skills were well beyond those of the average homesteader, who would not have been able to select a site that demanded specialized skills needed to make it work. Other evidence of Luther’s  skilled craftsmanship can be seen in the interior walls, which were planed with an ax to make them smooth, then covered with newspapers for insulation before being whitewashed. The whitewashing and wallpaper have long been replaced by a weathered patina, but the ax marks are still visible.

In 1931, Taylor lost his wife Agnes in childbirth and was left with three young children that required more care than he could give. He hired Lena Mae, a housekeeper from Salt Lake City to live on the ranch. She brought her own child and lived with Taylor and his children on the ranch until he sold it to Andy and Roy Chambers in 1948. At this time Taylor and Mae married, retiring from ranching to live in Jackson. Five years prior, in 1943, Taylor sold the north 160 acres that had adjoined his brother’s ranch to Gerrit Hardeman. The Hardemans were well known in the valley for their high quality Hereford cattle. They had homesteaded nearby and had begun to increase their holdings. They would later sell their lands to the Snake River Land Company and settle on a ranch in Wilson.

After the Chambers acquired the 40 acre Taylor property, they rented out the cabins for several years to bring in extra cash. In 1951 they are approached by Paramount Pictures to see if the Taylor cabins could be used as a set in the upcoming western, Shane. The Chambers agreed, and allowed the film crew the use of the cabins. Very little changes or alterations were made to the homestead, continuing to preserve its original appearance. While the scene that depicts this cabin was brief, many western movie enthusiasts still seek it out today. Many mistakenly believe that the cabins were constructed for the movie.

In 1956, the cabins were sold to the National Park Service along with the main Chambers property on Mormon Row. The cabins have been unused and allowed to weather the elements without maintenance since this time. Their significance is due to their unchanged appearance; they remain as they were originally constructed. No major alterations or additions were made to the buildings, despite the barn and chicken coop being 105 years old. Because of their continued preservation, the buildings are able to convey a sense of what the earlier homesteads in the valley would have looked like. Most were haphazardly built, with dirt floors and sod roofs. Despite the severe deterioration of the site from over 65 years of neglect, the cabins still maintain their historic integrity and are one of the most important historic sites in Grand Teton National Park.

TIMELINE

1910: John Erwin establishes his homestead and begins to build cabins and clear the land.

1916-20: John Erwin dies.

1923: 40 acres of the Erwin homestead, including a barn and chicken shed that was used as a one-room residence by Erwin are sold to Luther Taylor.

1927: Taylor files for 160 acres of adjacent land, increasing his holdings to 200 acres.

1931: Taylor’s wife, Agnes dies. Taylor arranges for Lena Mae, a hired housekeeper from Salt Lake City to help him raise his young children.

1943: Taylor sells the adjoining 160 acres to Gerrit Hardeman. The Hardemans are well known in the valley for their prime Hereford cattle.

1948: Taylor sells the remaining 40 acres and his residence along with the two Erwin structures to Andy Chambers. The Chambers lease out the cabin for several years.

1951: With the cabins standing unused, the Chambers family allows Paramount Pictures to use the cabins for the movie Shane.

1956: The Chambers sell the property to the National Park Service and the cabins remain unused and fall into disrepair.

2015: The three cabins still remain on the property but in a state of severe deterioration. The roofs have caved in and the walls are beginning to fail. However, the site is historically significant to the valley, as the oldest intact original homestead.


Text by Samantha Ford, Director of Historical Research and Outreach

The Elk Horn Hotel

The Elk Horn Hotel

Charles and Maria Allen, Frank Lovell, and Cap and Clara Smith were the first homesteaders in the area is now known as Moran. The three families arrived between 1895 and 1900. Reports show that the Smiths operated a roadhouse that burned in 1900. Shortly after the fire they sold their homestead along with neighbor Frank Lovell to Benjamin Sheffield. The Allens homesteaded nearby and built the Elk Horn Hotel in 1897, which catered to traffic using the military road going to Yellowstone. They found enough business to operate the Elk Horn, despite the nearby larger Teton Lodge, built by Sheffield in 1903. The Deloneys, who owned a mercantile store in the town of Jackson at the southern end of the valley, opened a small general store in the bottom floor of the Elk Horn. This tiny mercantile was the sole supplier of goods in the northern end of the valley during the early years.

In 1902, Maria Allen received permission to open the post office on their ranch. She named the post office Moran after the mountain that dominated the landscape. From this point on, Moran became the name of the small town that would soon be populated with visitors from Sheffield’s lodge and the Reclamation Service camp. The Elk Horn Hotel was one of the first road-side hotels in the valley, also known as roadhouses. They catered to overnight travelers coming from the south entrance of Yellowstone via the military road that was built between 1890 and 1892. The majority of Yellowstone’s visitors accessed the park through the north and west entrances, but enough visitors used the south entrance to justify the $15,000.00 approved by Congress to construct a road from the Upper Geyser Basin (Old Faithful) to Yellowstone’s south entrance. With the advent of the military road, it was also much easier for tourist traffic to travel south out of Yellowstone to see the Tetons.

The Elk Horn Hotel was often the first rest stop that travelers would encounter after leaving the South Gate. For this same reason, the Yellowstone troops made Moran their home base. The Elk Horn hotel was very successful, and kept the Allens busy. In 1907 they sold the post office to Sheffield.  At this point, the town of Moran no longer had problems acquiring supplies. There were other stores, a gas station, and camp set up by the Reclamation Service.

The Allens had eight children, four daughters and four sons all born before the family arrived in Jackson Hole in 1896. By the time the Elk Horn was open, the older daughters were all married. Charles and Maria’s three youngest sons, Jude Valdez “Val,” Marion “Andrew,” and Neal helped with the homestead and hotel operations. Unfortunately, the Allen family were no strangers to tragedy. In 1885, their oldest son Charles Jr drowned at a family gathering, prior to the family’s arrival in Jackson Hole. In 1904, Andrew died after suffering a head injury after falling off his horse. He was buried on a bench above the Allen homestead. In 1913, Sarah “Avilla” Nelson (wife of Albert T. Nelson), and Neal would be laid to rest alongside their brother Andrew. Their son Val had married and moved to settle a homestead at the base of Uhl Hill. Charles and Maria continued to operate the Elk Horn until 1916, when they moved to the Kelly homestead of their son-in-law Albert Nelson, and late daughter Avilla. In 1918, they sold the Elk Horn to William Loomis. They reserved a 3-acre section of land the cemetery was located on. The arrangement was short-lived, both William Loomis and his son Loren would die a year apart in 1918, and 1919. The Allens reacquired the hotel back from Loren’s widow, Anna. During 1919, the McKinstry family were living on the homestead when a fire broke out, and the building burned to the ground.

Later that year, Dillard Newland purchased the property, with the Allens retaining the 3-acre cemetery. In 1925, the property was back in the hands of the Allens, and they in turn sold it to neighbor Ben Sheffield, who held onto the ranch until 1929, when it was purchased by the Snake River Land Company.

The Allens kept a small 3 acre parcel of land that included the family cemetery they had established on a hill overlooking all of Oxbow Bend and out towards Jackson Lake. They moved to Kelly and later Idaho for several years, eventually returning back to their 3 acre lot. Here they built another roadhouse, as the traffic from Yellowstone was now constant. They set up a gas station and small lunch counter that expanded to small cabins for overnight guests. The Allens original intention was to return to Jackson Hole to retire, but now they found themselves once again running a bustling roadhouse. They decided to sell the property to their granddaughter Elizabeth Allen Mudron in 1936, and move on to actual retirement. In 1937, Elizabeth and her husband arrived in Moran, ready to take up the roadhouse operations but despite being born and raised in Jackson Hole, Elizabeth developed severe altitude sickness and was forced to return to California. She then leased out the business (to H.H. Moore, Floy Shaw, Guy Gettings respectively), and reserved rights to the Allen Cemetery until 1958 when she sold the parcel to Grand Teton National Park.

The Park tore down or removed (some to Colter Bay) most of the cabins, but a few remained for Park employee housing until 1972. The Allen Cemetery remains, the only remnant of the family’s presence in Moran.

TIMELINE

1890-1892: The military road leading to Yellowstone National Park’s south entrance is completed.

1896: Charles and Maria Allen first settle on their homestead in Jackson Hole. They choose an area overlooking Oxbow Bend in today’s town of Moran.

1897: The Allens open the Elk Horn Hotel, a popular roadhouse that would run for several years.

1902: Maria Allen opens the area’s first post office and names it Moran, after the mountain that dominates their view of Jackson Lake.

1907: The Allens sell the post office to Benjamin Sheffield.

1919: The Allen house burns down while being occupied by the McKinstry family.

1925: The Allens sell the rest of the Elk Horn Ranch to Sheffield, and retain a small 3-acre lot that still contains the cemetery.

1972: Grand Teton National Park declines to renew the lease operating the old Allen gas station andlunch counter/cabins. The buildings are torn down and cement pads removed. Only the cemetery remains.


Text by Samantha Ford, Director of Historical Research and Outreach ([email protected])

Additional Information, Nancy Garr